இலங்கை - இந்திய நட்புறவுக்கு, பலிக்கடாவாகும் தமிழர்வாழ்வு -

நாஞ்சில்

கி.பி. 1948 ஆம் ஆண்டு இலங்கையை விட்டு ஆங்கிலேயர் வெளியேறினர். அப்போதே தமிழர்க்கு எதிராக சிங்களரின் இனவெறி அரசியலும் தொடங்கிவிட்டது. இந்திய அரசின் வெளியுறவுக் கொள்கை, 1949 இலிருந்து சிங்கள இனவாத அரசுக்கு ஆதரவாகவும், தமிழர் நலன்களுக்கு எதிராகவும் செயல்பட்டு வருவதாக கூறப்படுவதில் உண்மை இருப்பதாகவே தெரிகிறது. 'அண்டை நாட்டுடன் நட்புறவை வலுப்படுத்திக் கொள்ள வேண்டி' இந்த அணுகுமுறை கையாளப்படுகிறதா? அல்லது உலகில் தமிழர் ஒரு சக்தியாக உருவாகிவிடக் கூடாது எனும் சிந்தனையின் அடிப்படையில் இக்கொள்கை நடைமுறைப்படுத்தப் படுகிறதா? என்பது ஆய்வுக்குரியது. இந்தியாவில் நடப்பது ஜனநாயக ஆட்சி. நாட்டின் ஒட்டுமொத்த மக்களின் அல்லது ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட பகுதி மக்களின் நலன்களையோ, உணர்வுகளையோ பாதிக்கும் எந்த ஒரு கொள்கையையும் பொதுவிவாதத்துக்கு உட்படுத்தி மாநில சட்டமன்றம் மற்றும் பாராளுமன்றத்தின் ஒப்புதலோடு நடைமுறைப் படுத்துவதுதான் ஜனநாயக மரபு. ஆனால் இலங்கையுடனான வெளியுறவுக் கொள்கைக்கு 1949 முதலே கடுமையான எதிர்ப்பு உள்ளபோதும் மத்திய அரசினை நிர்வகிப்பவர்கள் 'சிங்கள அரசுக்கு ஆதரவு' எனும் நிலைப்பாட்டிலிருந்து மாறவேயில்லை. தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர் தமிழர்க்குக் குடியுரிமை வழங்குவது, கச்சத்தீவினை இலங்கைக்கு கொடுத்தது, ஈழத்தமிழர் சிக்கல் என அனைத்திலும் ஜனநாயக மரபு எதையும் கடைப்பிடிக்கவில்லை. தமிழக சட்டமன்றத் தீர்மானம் மற்றும் அனைத்துக்கட்சிகள் தீர்மானம் ஆகியவற்றுக்கு எந்த மதிப்பும் இல்லை. அகில இந்திய எதிர்க்கட்சிகளின் எதிர்ப்பைக்கூட சட்டைசெய்யவில்லை! அனைத்து முடிவையும் காங்கிரசுக் கட்சியின் தலைமை மட்டுமே தீர்மானித்து வந்துள்ளது. கட்சிக்குள் கூட அதுபற்றிய விவாதம் நடைபெற்றதாகத் தெரியவில்லை. குறைந்த பட்ச ஜனநாயக மரபுகளைக் கடைப்பிடித்திருந்தால் கூட தமிழர்கள் இன்றுள்ள அவலநிலையை அடைந்திருக்க மாட்டார்கள்.

1. தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர் தமிழரின் குடியுரிமைப் பறிப்பு :

சுமார் 200 ஆண்டுகளுக்குமுன் பல லட்சம் தமிழர்களை தேயிலைத் தோட்டங்களில் வேலை செய்ய ஆங்கிலேயர் இலங்கைக்குக் கொண்டுபோனார்கள்.
அத்தொழிலாளர்கள் அங்கேயே பல தலைமுறைகளாக வாழ்ந்து வந்தார்கள். இலங்கைக் குடியுரிமையுடன், வாழ்ந்தார்கள். 1948 இல் இலங்கை சுதந்திரம் பெற்றது. 1949 இல் இலங்கையின் அரசியல் சட்டம் அமலுக்கு வந்தது. அச்சட்டப்டி, தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர் தமிழர் அனைவரது இலங்கை குடியுரிமையும் பறிக்கப்பட்டது. அவர்கள் “நாடற்ற மக்கள்” (Stateless people ) என அறிவிக்கப்பட்டார்கள். இந்தக் கொடுமை உலகத்தில் யாருக்குமே நடைபெறவில்லை.இதனை இந்திய அரசு கண்டுகொள்ளவேயில்லை. தமிழகத்தில் திராவிட இயக்கத்தினர் எதிர்ப்புத் தெரிவித்தார்கள், பாராளுமன்றத்தில் பேசினார்கள். இதன் பின்னர் 1964 இல் இலங்கைக்கும் - இந்தியாவுக்கும் ஒப்பந்தம் ஏற்பட்டது. 'சிறிமாவோ பண்டார நாயகா - சாஸ்திரி ஒப்பந்தம்' என்பது இதன் பெயர். இதன்படி 1,50,000 தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர் தமிழர்கள் நாடற்றவர்களாக இலங்கையில் விடப்பட்டனர். இவர்கள், இவர்களுக்குப் பிறந்தவர்கள் என சுமார் 4 இலட்சம் தமிழர் இன்றும் குடியுரிமை அற்றவர்களாக இலங்கையில் வாழ்கின்றனர். இந்த ஒப்பந்தம் 'மானிடத்தன்மைக்கு இழைக்கப்பட்ட துரோகம்' (A Betrayal of Human Dignity) என அண்ணா கூறினார். (Anna Speaks at the Rajya Sabha - Page 145). உலக நாடுகளின் நடைமுறைப்படி மூன்று தலைமுறைகள் தொடர்ந்து ஒருநாட்டில் வாழும் மக்களுக்கு அந்நாட்டின் குடியுரிமை வழங்கப்பட வேண்டும். ஆனால் தமிழ்மக்களுக்கு இன்றும் வாக்குரிமை, சொத்துரிமை எதுவும்கிடையாது. இந்தத் துரோகத்தினைச் செய்ததும் காங்கிரஸ் அரசுதான்.
'இன்று இலங்கையில் வாழும் தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர் - தமிழர் என்கிற இந்திய வம்சாவழியினர் சுமார் 15இலட்சம் பேர். இவர்களில் 90 விழுக்காடு பேருக்கு சொந்தமாக வீட்டுமனை இல்லை. பெரும்பாலோர் ஆங்கிலேயர் கட்டிக் கொடுத்த 12' X 10' தரக் குடிசையிலேயே வாழ்கிறார்கள்....' (வே. ஆனை முத்து - தமிழீழத் தமிழரை, மலையகத் தமிழரை நீங்களும் பாருங்கள்! நீங்களும் பேசுங்கங்கள்! - பக்கம் 163)
 

2. இந்தியத் தமிழர் நலனும் பாதுகாக்கப் படவில்லை..

தமிழகத் தமிழரின் பாரம்பரியச் சொத்து கச்சத்தீவு, இந்திய எல்லைக்குள் ஒரு பகுதி. இதனை இலங்கை அரசு கேட்டது. இந்தியாவின் காங்கிரஸ் அரசு பட்டயம் போட்டுக் கொடுத்தது - 1974இல்.

பாராளுமன்றத்தில் அனைத்து எதிர்க்கட்சிகளும் இந்த ஒப்பந்தத்தை எதிர்த்தன. தமிழகத்தின் அனைத்துக் கட்சிக் கூட்டத்திலும், தமிழக சட்டமன்றத்திலும் இதனை எதிர்த்துத் தீர்மானம் போடப்பட்டது. எதுவும் எடுபடவில்லை
இதனால் தமிழக மீனவர்களின் வாழ்வாதாரம் பறிபோயிற்று. இதுபற்றி தமிழக காங்கிரசார் எவரும் கவலைப்படவில்லை. கச்சத்தீவு அருகே மீன்பிடிக்கச் சென்ற மீனவர்கள் 400க்கும் அதிகமானோர் சிங்களக் கடற்படையால் கொல்லப்பட்டுள்ளனர். கொல்லப்பட்ட மீனவர்களுக்கும், கொள்ளையடிக்கப்பட்ட மீன்களுக்கும் இழப்பீடு கூட கேட்கவில்லை இந்திய அரசு. ஏனென்றால் தழிழரின் உயிரைவிட, இலங்கை சிங்களரின் நட்பே பெரிதென கருதுகிறார்கள்.
பாராளுமன்றத்தில் அனைத்து எதிர்க்கட்சிகளும் இந்த ஒப்பந்தத்தை எதிர்த்தன. தமிழகத்தின் அனைத்துக் கட்சிக் கூட்டத்திலும், தமிழக சட்டமன்றத்திலும் இதனை எதிர்த்துத் தீர்மானம் போடப்பட்டது. எதுவும் எடுபடவில்லை
இதனால் தமிழக மீனவர்களின் வாழ்வாதாரம் பறிபோயிற்று. இதுபற்றி தமிழக காங்கிரசார் எவரும் கவலைப்படவில்லை. கச்சத்தீவு அருகே மீன்பிடிக்கச் சென்ற மீனவர்கள் 400க்கும் அதிகமானோர் சிஙிகளக் கடற்படையால் கொல்லப்பட்டுள்ளனர். கொல்லப்பட்ட மீனவர்களுக்கும், கொள்ளையடிக்கப்பட்ட மீன்களுக்கும் நஷ;டஈடுகூட கேட்கவில்லை இந்திய அரசு. ஏனென்றால் தழிழரின் உயிரைவிட, இலங்கை சிங்களரின் நட்பே பெரிதென கருதுகிறார்கள்.
 

3. ஈழத்தமிழர்க்குத் தொடர்ந்து துரோகம் :

1949 ஆம் ஆண்டு இலங்கை சுதந்திரம் பெற்ற நாளிலிருந்து ஈழத்தமிழர்க்கு எதிரான நடவடிக்கைகளை சிங்களர் தொடங்கினார்.
 

  1. 1956 ஆம் ஆண்டு 'சிங்களம் மட்டுமே ஆட்சி மொழி' என அரசியல் சட்டம் திருத்தப்பட்டது. இதனால் இலங்கை வாழ் தமிழர் அனைவரும் இரண்டாம்தர மக்களானார்கள். இதனை இந்திய அரசு கண்டிக்கவில்லை.

  2. 1972 ஆம் ஆண்டு 'புத்த மதம் மட்டுமே இலங்கை அரசின் வழிகாட்டும் மதம்' என அரசியல் சட்டத்தில் எழுதப்பட்டது. இந்துக்களான பெரும்பான்மைத் தமிழர்களும், தோட்டத் தொழிலாளர் தமிழர்களும், ஈழத்தமிழர்களும் இதனால் பாதிக்கப் பட்டார்கள். சிறுபான்மை மக்களின் உரிமைகளுக்கு எதிரான சிங்கள அரசின் செயலை இந்திய அரசோ, காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியோ கண்டிக்கவில்லை.

  3. பாரம்பரியமாக ஈழத்தமிழர் 30,000 ஆண்டுகளுக்மேலாக வாழ்ந்துவரும் பகுதிகளில் இலங்கை அரசு 1972 முதல் பல சிங்களர் குடியிருப்புப் பகுதிகளை ஏற்படுத்தி அங்கு சிங்களரைக் குடியமர்த்தியது. இதனால் இலங்கையில் வடக்கு-கிழக்குப்பகுதிகளில் - சொந்த ஊரிலேயே தமிழர் சிறு பான்மையினராக மாறினார்கள்; இதனையும் காங்கிரஸ் அரசு கண்டிக்கவில்லை. அப்போதெல்லாம் தமிழர் அறவழியில் தான் போராடினார்கள். ஆயுதங்களைத் தொடவே இல்லை, ஆயினும் இந்திய அரசு - காங்கிரஸ் அரசு தமிழ் மக்களின் கோரிக்கைகளுக்கு ஆதரவளிக்கவில்லை. இந்தநிலையில்தான் இளைஞர்கள் ஆயுதப் போராட்டத்தைத் தொடங்கினார்கள்.

  4. 1983 ஆம் ஆண்டு நடந்த இனப்படுகொலையின்போது பல ஆயிரம் தமிழர்கள் சிங்கள வெறியர்களால் கொல்லப்பட்டார்கள். இந்தியத் தமிழர்கள் கொதித் தெழுந்து போராடினார்கள். ஆயினும் அப்படுகொலைகளைக் கண்டித்து இந்திய அரசும், காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியும் ஒரு கண்டன அறிக்கை கூட வெளியிடவில்லை. கவலைப்படுவதாகத் தெரிவித்தார்கள்;; இந்திரா காந்திதான் பிரதமராயிருந்தார்.

  5. 1983 ஆம் ஆண்டு நடந்த இனப்படுகொலையைக் கண்டித்து அர்ஜன்டினா நாடும் மொரிசியஸ் நாடும் ஐ.நா. பொதுச் சபையில் இலங்கைக்கு எதிராக கண்டனத் தீர்மானம் கொண்டுவருவதாக அறிவித்தார்கள். உடனேயே இந்திய அரசினர் அங்கெல்லாம் சிறப்புத் தூதர்களை அனுப்பி, அந்நாடுகளின் முயற்சியைத் தடுத்தார்கள்.

  6. 1983இல் தமிழகத்தமிழ் மக்களின் போராட்டம் தீவிரமடையவே, ஐ.நா. சபையில் பேசப்போகிறோம் என பிரதமர் இந்திராகாந்தி அறிவித்தார். அதற்கென தமிழக அமைச்சர் பண்ருட்டி ராமச்சந்திரனை அனுப்பவும் செய்தார். ஆனால் நடந்த தென்ன? 'இனப்படுகொலை' என புகார் செய்யாமல் 'அகதிகள் பிரச்சினை' என மாற்றியமைத்து, அகதிகள் மறுவாழ்வுக்கான விவாதத்தில் இந்தியப்பிரதிநிதியாக பண்ரூட்டி ராமச்சந்திரன் பேசினார். அதாவது, 'இலங்கையில் நடக்கும் கலவரத்தினால் பலர் அகதிகளாகி இந்தியாவுக்கு வந்துள்ளார்கள்.; அது இந்தியாவில் அரசியல் - பொருளாதாரப் பிரச்சினைகளை உருவாக்குகிறது; இது தடுக்கப்பட வேண்டும்' என்பது இந்தியாவின் கோரிக்கையாகியது! கொல்லப்பட்ட தமிழர்களைப் பற்றிய பேச்சே எழவில்லை. இப்படி இலங்கைக்குச் சாதகமாக நடந்து தமிழர்களை ஏமாற்றியதும் காங்கிரஸ் அரசுதான்

  7. 1985 ஆம் ஆண்டு ஜூன் மாதம் பூட்டான் தலைநகர் திப்புவில் இலங்கை அரசுக்கும், ஈழத்தமிழர் போராளிக் குழுக்களுக்கும் இடையே பேச்சுவார்த்தை நடபெற்றது. பேச்சுவார்த்தையை முன்னின்று ஏற்பாடு செய்த இந்திய வெளியுறவுச் செயலாளர் ரமேஷ; பண்டாரி 'சுயநிர்ணய உரிமை கோரிக்கையைக் கைவிடுமாறு' ஈழத்தமிழர் குழுக்களை வற்புறுத்தினார். அவர்கள் மறுக்கவே அத்தனைத் தலைவர்களையும் இந்தியாவை விட்டும் நாடுகடத்தினார்கள். அதாவது, இலங்கை அரசிடம் அதிக உரிமைகள் கேட்டார்கள் என்பதற்காக இந்திய அரசு தமிழர் தலைவர்களை நாடுகடத்தியது.

  8. 1986 - செப்டம்பர் மாதம் இங்கிலாந்தும், ஐரோப்பியக் கூட்டமைப்பு நாடுகளும் ஐ.நா. பொதுச் சபையில் இலங்கைத் தமிழர் சிக்கல் பற்றிப் பேசின. இந்த விவாதத்தின் போது இந்தியா இலங்கை அரசுக்கு ஆதரவாகப் பேசியது. அதற்கு இலங்கை அமைச்சர் அமீது ஐ.நா. சபையிலேயே இந்தியாவின் உதவிக்கு நன்றி தெரிவித்துப் பேசினார். (The Hindu 28.09.1986).

  9. 1987 - மார்ச் மாதம் ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் சபையின் மனித உரிமைக்குழுவில் அர்ஜென்டினா, கனடா, நார்வே மற்றும் செனல் நாடுகள் இலங்கைக்கு எதிராக கண்டனத் தீர்மானம் கொண்டுவந்தன. இந்தத் தீர்மானத்தின் மீதான விவாதத்தில் இந்தியா கலந்து கொள்ளாமல் ஒதுங்கியிருந்தது. அப்போதும் காங்கிரஸ் ஆட்சிதான்; ராஜிவ் காந்திதான் பிரதமர்.

  10. அப்போதெல்லாம் நடந்தது போலவே இப்போதும் (2009) மெரிக்கா, இங்கிலாந்து, பிரான்சு, ஜப்பான போன்ற நாடுகள் ஐ.நா. பாதுகாப்புச் சபையில் ஈழத்தமிழர் படுகொலையைக் கண்டித்து புகார் செய்தனர். இந்தியா இலங்கை அரசின் தீர்மானத்துக்கு ஆதரவாக செயல்பட்டது அனைவரும் அறிந்ததே!

  11. இலங்கை இந்திய ஒப்பந்தம் (1987) : இலங்கை அரசுக்கும், ஈழத்தமிழர்க்கும் இடையே பிரச்சினை. பேச்சுவார்hத்தை, ஒப்பந்தம் எல்லாம் அவர்களுக்குள் நடக்க வேண்டும். இந்தியா அதற்கு உதவ வேண்டும. இதுதானே நமது எதிர்பார்ப்பு! உலகின் நடைமுறை! ஆனால் 1987 இல் 'இலங்கைக்கும் - இந்திய அரசுக்கும் இடையே ஒப்பந்தம்' ஏற்பட்டது ஏன்? என்ன நியாயம்? அந்த ஒப்பந்தத்தை ஈழத்தமிழர் ஏற்க வேண்டும் என கட்டாயப்படுத்தியது எப்படிச் சரியாகும்?

  12. 1987ஆம் ஆண்டு ஒப்பந்தப்படி இலங்கைக்கு இந்திய ராணுவம் சென்றது. அமைதிப்படை என்பது போர் நடத்தும் இரு பிரிவுகளுக்கிடையே மோதல் நடக்கமால் தடுக்கும் படையாகும். ஆனால் இந்திய ராணுவம் விடுதலைப்புலிகளை மட்டும் ஆயுதங்களை ஒப்படைக்கச் சொல்லி கட்டாயப்படுத்தியது. அவர்கள்மீது கடும் தாக்குதல் நடத்தியது. இது சிங்கள அரசுக்குத் துணைபோகும் செயல் அல்லாமல் வேறென்ன? இப்படி சிங்களர்க்கு ஆதரவாகவும், தமிழர்க்கு எதிராகவும் செயல்பட்டது காங்கிரஸ் அரசு தான்.

  13. 'அமைதிப்படை' எனச் சொல்லிக் கொண்டே சுமார் 4000 தமிழர்களைக் இந்திய ராணுவம் கொன்று குவித்தது. அவர்களது வீடுகளையும் தரைமட்டம் ஆக்கியது, இதற்கு அகில இந்திய காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியும், தமிழக காங்கிரசாரும் என்றாவது வருத்தம் தெரிவிக்கவில்லை.

  14. 1987 ஆம் ஆண்டின் இலங்கை-இந்திய ஒப்பந்தப்படி தமிழர்க்கு கிடைத்த ஒரே நன்மை, ஈழத்தமிழர் பாரம்பரியமாக வாழும் வடக்கு மற்றும் கிழக்குப் பகுதிகளை இணைத்து ஒரே மாநிலமாக உருவாக்கியது தான்! ஆனால் 2004இல் மகிந்த ராஜபட்சே ஆட்சிக்கு வந்தவுடன், இந்த இணைப்பினை ரத்து செய்தார். வடக்குமாவட்டங்கள், கிழக்குமாவட்டங்கள தனித்தனியாயின. இந்தியாவிடம் போட்ட ஒப்பந்தத்தை மீறி இலங்கை செயல் பட்ட போதும் இந்திய அரசு அதனைக் கண்டிக்கவில்லை. தமிழக காங்கிரசாரும் அதனைக் கண்டிக்கவில்லை!

  15. 2009 சனவரி முதல் சிங்கள ராணுவம் பெருந்தாக்குதலைத் தொடுத்து இந்தியாவில் நடக்கவிருந்த பாராளுமன்றத் தேர்தலைப் பயன்படுத்திக்கொண்டு முப்படைத்தாக்குதலை முடுக்கி விட்டனர். தமிழக அரசியல் தலைவர்கள் பல்வேறு வகையினில் முறையிட்டனர். இலங்கை அரசின் கொலை வெறியைத்தடுத்திட இந்திய அரசு எதுவும் செய்யவில்லை. போராளிகள், முதியோர், குழந்தைகள் என சுமார் 50,000 பேர் கொல்லப்பட்டனர். மக்கள் வீடுகளைவிட்டு வெளியேறி சிங்கள ராணுவத்திடம் சரணடைய நிர்ப்பந்திக்கப்பட்டார்கள். இன்றும் சுமார் மூன்று லட்சம் பேர் முகாம்களில் வாழுகின்றனர்.

  16. ஆக எந்த நிலையிலும், எத்தனைத் தமிழர் கொல்லப்பட்டாலும், இந்திய அரசு சிங்கள அரசுக்கு - இலங்கை அரசுக்கு ஆதரவாகவே செயல்படுகிறது என்பதுதான் உண்மை!!!

1949 முதல் 2009 வரையிலும் இதுதான் நடக்கிறது. நேரு, இந்திராகாந்தி, ராஜிவ்காந்தி, நரசிம்மராவ், மன்மோகன் சிங் என அனைவரது ஆட்சிக் காலத்திலும் சிங்கள - இலங்கை அரசுக்கு ஆதரவாகவும் தமிழர்க்கு எதிராகவுமே காங்கிரஸ் அரசும், காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியும் செயல்பட்டு வந்துள்ளமை புரிகிறது. 1991க்கு முன் ஈழத்தமிழர்க்கு ஆதரவாகச் செயல்பட்டது போலவும்ஈ ராஜீவ்காந்தி கொல்லப்பட்ட பின்தான் எதிராகச் செயல்படுவது போலவும் காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியினர் பிரச்சாரம் செய்கிறார்கள். இது உண்மையல்ல.
முழுக்க, முழுக்கப் பொய்ப் பிரச்சாரம். தமிழக மக்களை ஏமாற்றி ஓட்டு வாங்கச் செய்த தந்திரமே யாகும்!!
 

4. மறுசீரமைப்பு :

சிங்கள ராணுவம் குண்டுவீசி அழித்த பகுதிகளில் மறுசீரமைப்பு ( Re Habilitation ) நடைபெற உதவுவோம் என போர் நடக்கும் போதே இந்தயப் பிரதமர் மன்மோகன்சிங் அறிவித்தார். தற்போது 500 கோடி ரூபாய் ஒதுக்கியிருப்பதாக அரசு சார்பில் அறிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. இதனை 1000 கோடி ரூபாயாக அதிகப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என தமிழக முதலமைச்சர் கலைஞர் கேட்கிறார். இது கூட ஏற்கப்படும். ஒருலட்சம் பேரைக் கொல்ல உதவியவர்கள், எத்தனை கோடி வேண்டுமானாலும் கொடுப்பார்கள்.

போர் நடக்கும் போதும், நடந்துமுடிந்தபோதும் பத்திரிகையாளர்கள், உலக செஞ்சிலுவைச்சங்கம், ஐ.நா. மனித உரிமைக் கழகம் என எவரையும் தமிழர் பகுதிக்குள் இலங்கை அரசு அனுமதிக்கவில்லை. சுமார் மூன்று இலட்சம்பேர் வீடுகளிலிருந்து வெளியேற்றப்பட்டு கட்டாந்தரையில் கூட்டம் கூட்டமாக தங்கவைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளார்கள். இவர்கள் நிலைமை எப்படி உள்ளது என்பதனை அறிய இந்தியாவிலிலிருந்து பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களையோ, சேவைநிறுவனங்களையோ அனுப்பியிருக்கலாம். ஆனால் சிங்கள அரசுக்கு உதவ இந்திய ராணுத்தினரை அனுப்பப் போகிறது. அப்படியானால் இவர்கள் செய்யப்போகும் மறுவாழ்வுப் பணி என்ன?

இன்று தென்னிலங்கையில் பல இடங்களில் கிளை அமைத்துள்ள டாடா, பஜாஜ், டி.வி.எஸ் போன்ற நிறுவனங்களுடன் இந்திய ஆயில் நிறுவனங்கள், இந்திய வங்கிகள் எல்லாம் வட இலங்கையில் பலநூறு இடங்களில் கிளைகள் திறக்கும். கட்டுமானத் தொழில் புரியும் நிறுவனங்களுக்கு நல்ல வாய்ப்புகிடைக்கும். இவற்றில் பல ஆயிரம் இந்தியர்களுக்கு கொழுத்த சம்பளத்துடன் வேலை கிடைக்கும்.
ஈழத்தமிழர்க்கு என்ன கிடைக்கும்?

நன்றி: http://tamilinternational.com/arasiyal_1_8_09.php
--
தமிழ்நாடன்
www.anaimuthu.blogspot.com


All Party Conference, 1983/84
chaired by Sri Lanka President. J.R.Jayawarden

Statement by A.Amirthalingam, 
Secretary General, Tamil United Liberation Front 
19 January 1984


This Conference of All Parties is the last opportunity we have of working out an acceptable solution to the problems confronting the people of the Island. 

I do not propose to go into distant history to justify any position that I may be taking. 

It suffices to say that from the dawn of history the Sinhalese and Tamils have been living in this country, have been sharing power, have been engaged in war to oust each other from power and have also ruled over separate parts of the country for several centuries. 

These facts distilled from millennia of recorded history cannot be disputed by anyone. We are all today here to solve problems that have, been created by the imperialist rulers. 

At the time the European conquerors first arrived in the Island in 1505, there were three separate kingdoms. The Portugese subjugated two of the kingdoms, one by succession, and the other by waging war. The Dutch took over the territories conquered by the Portugese and the British in turn took them over in 1796. Having subjugated the kingdom of Kandy in 1815. the British unified the entire administration for their convenience in 1 833. They introduced English education which resulted in the emergence of an English educated elitist class which cut across barriers, of race, religion or caste. 

Inspired by the Independence movement in neighboring India, this class of English educated people staffed movements for freedom from British rule. When the Ceylon National Congress was formed in 1918 a Tamil - Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam was elected President, but one has to note with pain that within six years Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam had to break away from the Ceylon National Congress and form the Ceylon Tamil League in 1924. The differences that emerged between the Sinhala & Tamil Leaders were shown up in the debate on the Donoughmore Reforms when Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan was constrained to remark that the reform proposals spelt the death of the minorities.

With some measure of responsible government passing into the hands of Sinhalese under the Donoughmore Reforms further conflicts surfaced. These were no doubt encouraged by the imperialist rulers for their own purposes, but the Tamil Youth under the leadership of the Jaffna Youth Congress boycotted the first election to the State Council in 1931 and demanded full independence. lam mentioning this to show that inspite of differences among their leaders, the Tamil Youth even at that time were inspired by ideals of anti-imperialist struggle for the freedom of the whole country. 

The formation of the Pan-Sinhala Board of Ministers in 1936 kindled fears in the minds of all minorities and they banded themselves under the leadership of Mr. G.G. Ponnambalam demanding balanced representation so that any one community may not be able to dominate the other communities put together. 

This was misrepresented by rabble-rousers and tension between the majority and the minorities developed in the late 30s. 

The British rulers, in the wake of Indian Independence, handed over power to the local capitalist class in return for an agreement to give them the use of the Trincomalee Naval Base and the Katunayake Airbase. The unimaginative Soulbury Constitution that did not take into consideration the heterogeneous nature of the population is responsible for the present plight of the country. Though national parties were formed, within a decade of Independence most of them were forced to adopt communal policies pandering to the lowest instincts of the majority in competition with each other. 

At the time of Independence it was made out that under the Soulbury Constitution out of 95 elected members 42 minority members will be returned. 

Within four years of independence the whole scheme of representation, which involved weightage to the minorities, was totally distorted. The passing of the Citizenship Laws which decitizenised and disfranchised one million Tamil workers and deprived them of the representation they had in Parliament was the first blow directed against the Tamil people. 

It also resulted in the majority Sinhalese people who were 68% of the population at that time capturing 80% of the representation in Parliament. The Citizenship laws also made the totality of the Tamils & Muslims in the country doubtful citizens and they are still undergoing several hardships in registering title deeds for lands, in obtaining passports and other matters, to which hardships the Sinhalese are not subjected.

Before Independence, the State Council adopted a resolution in 1944 that Sinhala & Tamil should be the Official Languages of the country. You yourself moved the resolution Your Excellency, which was amended by a motion by Mr. Nalliah which you accepted, to make both languages- Official Languages. 

It was on that basis that the Tamil speaking people - both Tamils & Muslims joined the government after Independence in 1955 a wave of Sinhala nationalism swept the country. Bhasa Peramunas sprung up demanding that Sinhala be made the only Official Language. The major parties the UNP and SLFP succumbed to this wave. 

It should be said to the credit of the Lanka Samasamaja Party and the Communist Party that they stood up for parity of status for Sinhala & Tamil. Mr. S.W.R.D, Bandaranaike who was swept to power in 1956 introduced the Sinhala Only Act in Parliament in the 5th of June. Oblivious of history even learned people now say that the violence against Tamils is the result of the demand for a separate state. They further say that the violence that we experienced in 1977, 1981 & 1983 was the reaction to the action of the Tamil militants. 

They seem to forget that the 5th June 1956 marked the first mob-violence against Tamils. We performed Sathyagraha on the Galle Face Green exposing ourselves to the mercies of the weather and were attacked by a crowd who had been assembled for that purpose, The crowds were infuriated at our daring to sit there on the green that they beat up the unarmed peaceful Sathyagrahis with sticks and stones, one of them even bit away the ear of one of the Sathyagrahis. The stones thrown by the crowd broke my head in two places, and when I walked into Parliament with a handkerchief tied round my head and my clothes soaked in blood, the then Prime Minister quipped “honorable wounds of war’. 

This violence that was unleashed on the Sathyagrahis spread to the streets of Colombo. Tamils were pulled out from cars and buses and beaten up. It spread even to places like Amparai where a number of Tamils were killed. Can anyone who values truth say that this was the result of the Tamils resorting to violence? or because the Tamils demanded a separate state? I can only say that it was the result of deep seated antagonism between the two ethnic groups which had been inculcated into their minds through the history that was taught in our schools.

The introduction of Sinhala as the only Official Language and reduction of Tamil to an inferior position placed the stamp of perpetual inferiority on Tamils and Muslims who spoke the Tamil Language. It also resulted in their being denied equality of opportunity in employment. This law gave rise to the first demand for a separate state. 

The father of this demand was no less a person than Mr. C. Sunderalingam who was a close associate & advisor of Mr. D. S. Sennanayake in the pre-independence era. But we who were members of the Federal Party and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress resisted the demand for a separate-state. We wanted to preserve the unity and the integrity of the island. My late leader, Mr. S. J. V. Chelvanayagam felt that the unity has to be on the basis of the recognition of the separate identity of the two nations. We put forward the demand for a Federal form of Government. 

No one who understands the federal systems of governments will say that federalism means division. The most powerful nations of the world - the USA & USSR have federal structures. Their unity or strength is not affected by the political structure. Little Switzerland - which is 3/5th the size of Sri Lanka has a federal structure. No less a, person than Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike advocated federalism as the only feasible system of government in Ceylon in 1926. The Kandy Youth. League demanded federalism before the Donoughmore Commission, but when the Tamil people demanded the recognition of their autonomy and the federal system of government it was misrepresented to the Sinhalese people, by politicians who should have known better, as a movement for division.

The demand for regional autonomy and the safeguarding of the Tamil homelands became imperative in the context of planned and systematic colonisation of parts of the Eastern Province with Sinhalese people which was started in the 50s, Allai & Kantalai schemes in Trincomalee, the Galoya scheme in the present Amparai District and later the Morawewa & Padaviya schemes in Trincomalee are examples of this policy. The colonisation was carried out in violation of the Land Development Ordinance. The Muslims who were the majority in the Galoya development area and the Tamils in Kantalai & Allai and other areas in Trincomalee were made minorities in those areas.

 We listened two days ago to Rev members of the Buddhist clergy speak on the necessity for free movement of people. I want to ask the reverend priests what freedom of movement do the Tamil people have in this country. The only freedom they have is to be moved by ships from refugee camps in the South to the North & East.

Ven Madihe Pannaseela Mahanayakka Thero referred to 276 Buddhist places of worship scattered over the Northern & Eastern Provinces and he said that Buddhist Priests should be settled in each of these places and Buddhist people settled around these temples.

In this connection I wish to refer to a news report that appeared in the ‘Silumina’ on the 1st of January 1984. No less than a person than the Commissioner of Archeology - Mr. Sirisoma has stated that 200 sites in the North & East referred to by the reverend priests have been excavated and Buddhist people are to be settled in those places. 

If this were to be carried out the Tamils and Muslims will be made minorities even in the Northern & Eastern Provinces and the next time they are beaten and herded into refugee camps there will be no place where they can be taken and dumped. Even the Tamils in the Northern & Eastern Provinces will have to be in refugee camps, as happened in parts of Trincomalee and Amparai during the recent ethnic violence.

According to the 1921 census the Sinhalese were 3% of the population in the Trincomalee District and 15% of the population in the combined Batticaloa & Amparai Districts. They were less than 4% in the whole Eastern Province. The Priests and others have tried to make out that even the Northern & Eastern Provinces were peopled by Sinhalese several centuries ago. They referred to the presence of Buddhist ruins as proof of this fact. They forget that the whole of Tamil Nadu and the majority of the Tamil people were Buddhists in the 3rd & 4th centuries AD. The well known Tamil epic Manimekalai and several other Tamil Literary works of this period bear ample testimony to this fact.

These places in the North & the East were places worshipped by Tamil Buddhists.  The claims that are being made to even the Northern & Eastern Provinces as Sinhala territory are on a par with the claims of the Jews in Palestine. Successive Governments have pursued the same policies as the Jews are pursuing in Palestine in dispossessing the Arabs of their land and driving them from their homes. The Tamils & Muslims of the Northern  Eastern Provinces do not want this fate to overtake them. That is why the demand for autonomy under a Federal Union was put forward.

We wanted to safeguard our rights while preserving the unity of the country and we agitated by peaceful, non-violent means for the achievement of these objectives. The answer we got was rioting, burning and killing of Tamils. A Hindu Priest was burnt alive in Panadura in 1958. Hundreds were killed, thousands. were shipped to the North & East as refugees. I am not referring to what happened in 1983. I am yet in 1958.

There were four demands that were put forward on behalf of the Tamil people by the Federal Party in 1956:

1 The introduction of a Federal form of Government.

2. Parity of status for the Tamil Language with Sinhala.

4. The grant of citizenship rights for all Tamils who have made this country their home.

When we started a peaceful agitation for these demands the late Prime Minister - Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike negotiated a pact with our leader - Mr. S. J. V. Chelvanayakam. He agreed to establish Regional Councils - the Northern Province to form one regional area, whilst the Eastern Province was to be divided into two or more regional areas and provision to be made in the bill to allow two or three areas to amalgamate even beyond provincial limit. It was also agreed in the matter of colonisation schemes, the power of the Regional Councils shall include the power to select allottees to whom lands within their area of authority shall  be allocated and also power to select persons to be employed to  work on such schemes. 

It was also agreed that the language of administration of the Northern & Eastern Provinces was to be Tamil and that any necessary provision be made for the non-Tamil speaking minority in the Northern & Eastern Provinces. I don’t have to repeat the history of what happened to the pact. 

In 1960 March, the S.L.F.P. then headed by Mr. C. P. De Silva came to power as part of an understanding with us to implement the pact. When they came to power in July 1960, they not only failed to honour their undertaking, they went to the extent of introducing the Language of the Courts Bill to make Sinhala the language of the Courts even in the Northern & Eastern Provinces.

 The UNP under Mr. Dudley Sennanayake, in the presence of Your Excellency, entered into a pact with Mr. Chelvanayakam in 1965. They were able to form a Government because of our support. Some Tamil Language regulations were introduced on 8th January 1966 by Your Excellency, but during the five years that the UNP ruled not one syllable of these regulations was implemented. The District Councils that were promised in the pact were only in white paper. The solemn undertaking given in regard to colonisation in the Northern & Eastern Provinces were never honoured. 

This is the sordid history of pacts and solemn undertakings given by successive Governments to the Tamil people. No honourable person can be happy about this record.

The introduction of the 1972 Constitution removing the safeguards against discriminatory legislation ‘contained in the Soulbury Constitution resulted in all the Tamil Parties getting together and forming the Taniil United Front. We submitted six demands, very modest ones, for inclusion in the constitution. They were not even acknowledged.

In the meantime the standardisation in education, shutting out deserving Tamil students from Universities was introduced. Employment opportunities in the Public &. Semi-public Sector were denied to Tamils On top of all these - police terrorism was unleashed on Tamils, culminating in the massacre of nine innocent Tamils at the World Tamil Research Conference on the 10th January 1974 in Jaffna. 

It was in this background, having failed to get their legitimate demands within a United Sri Lanka, that the Tamils on the 14th May 1976 resolved to demand the restoration of the sovereign state that they had before the European arrival and conquest of the country. This was placed before the Tamil voters in the 1977 Elections and out of 26 seats in the Northern & Eastern Provinces, the TULF won 18 seats. I may even say out of the 19 Tamil seats in the North & East the TULF was elected to 18 seats.

The UNP itself in its Election Manifesto in the 1977 Election identified a number of grievances of the Tamil people as having led to their supporting a movement for the creation of a separate state.

In the statement of Government policy made by the President on the 4th August 1977 the UNP Government promised:

“My Government accepts the position that there are numerous problems confronting the Tamil People. The lack of a solution to their problems has led the Tamil People to support even a movement for a separate Tamil State. In the interest of national integration and unity so necessary for the economic development of the whole country the Government. feels that such problems should be solved without lose of time and will take all possible steps to remedy their grievances in such fields as:

1. Education
2. Colonisation
3. Use of the Tamil Language
4. Employment in the Public and Semi-public Corporations.

My government will summon an All Party Conference to resolve these problems and implement its decisions.” 

It cannot be denied that these promises were never kept. The provision in the Constitution regarding the use of Tamil Language has not been implemented upto date. The position of the Tamils in employment in the public and semi-public corporations has deteriorated further. The District Development Councils which were established were never given a chance to function properly by the government. 

The Tamil people have been subjected to repeated racial pogroms in 1977, 1981 & 1983. Each succeeding spate of violence surpasses the previous one in its ferocity and intensity. Under these circumstances can anyone say that the Tamil people or TULF have any reason to go back on the stand they took in 1977? 

The position that the TULF has taken is that although their mandate in the 1977 Elections was for the liberation of the Tamil nation by the establishment of a independent state, if a satisfactory alternative which could meet the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people and. redress their grievances which gave rise to the demand for a separate state was offered, we would place it before the Party which would take a decision in consonance with the wishes of the Tamil People. 

One has to keep in mind the deep feeling of insecurity and alienation that is felt by the Tamil people after the latest spate of violence in June, July & August 1983 in working out an alternative. 

Rev. Dr. Walpola Rahula in the course of his speech two days ago appealed to me not to ask for Regional Councils, I wish to tell him that we are not asking for Regional Councils. The mandate given by the Tamil people to the TULF is to fight for a separate state. It is upto you, the leaders of the Sinhala people to offer a satisfactory alternative.

As I stated we are prepared to place it before the Party and take a decision in keeping with the wishes of the people who gave us the mandate. We come to participate in this All Party Conference on the basis of the proposals contained in Annexure ‘C’ That does not mean that we accept all the proposals contained in Annexure ‘C’. We feel that they will not meet all our grievances and problems of the day but we can take them as basis for discussion and improvement.

The two overriding questions requiring immediate solution are:

(a) Security of the lives & property of Tamil people; and
(b) The integrity of Tamil terrorities from the days of British rule. The preservation of the integrity of these areas as the homeland of the Tamil people was the basis of the agreements and pacts between the Tamil Leaders and the major Sinhala Parties in 1957, 1960 & 1965

Both the 1972 & 1978 Constitutions recognised that the Northern & Eastern Provinces formed part of a linguistic entity for purposes of administration and as the Language of the Courts. 

Preserving the territorial integrity of the Tamil areas is intimately linked to the security of the lives and properties of the Tamil people. After every wave of violence hundreds and thousands of Tamils have returned to these areas and sought permanent settlement there. Historically the northern & eastern provinces have been predominantly populated by Tamil speaking people. In the pre-independence period, the Tamils constituted an absolute majority of every district of the Northern & Eastern Provinces. 

In 1921 the Sinhalese population was about 4- 6% in the entirety of the Eastern Province. State sponsored colonisation of the Tamil areas resulted in the erosion of the territorial base of the Tamils. Our claim that the Northern & Eastern Provinces be constituted into one region is based on this premise. 

We have however suggested further that to meet the aspirations of the Muslims who are the largest community in the Amparai District they be given the option to decide whether they went to form part of this region or remain out of it. 

I wish to read parts of a memorandum dated 17th January 1984 which I have received from the President of the Amparai District Federation of the branches of the All Ceylon Muslim League. Whatever views they may have taken earlier they had met on the 15th January and taken a decision on this matter. This is what it says:

ETHNIC PROBLEMS OF MUSLIMS IN AMPARAI DISTRICT:

I am directed by the Executive Council to place before you? the following unanimous decisions made at the meeting of the All Ceylon Muslim League Amparai District Federation held on. Sunday the 15th instant at Muslim Maha Vidyalaya, Oluvil, for your earnest consideration and effective submission at the Round Table Conference for the settlement of Ethnic Problems in Sri Lanka.

We reiterate the proposals made by the All Ceylon Muslim League and our Federation that Amparai District should be an Independent Unit for the devolution of power.

A. As much as our Muslim brothers in the Sinhala Speaking area have to live peacefully with the Sinhalese, we the Muslims in the Tamil Speaking area have to live peacefully with the Tamils. Ethnic Problems of the Muslims-and Tamils in the Tamil Speaking area with regard to Language of administration, Land, Colonisation Irrigation, Fishing etc., are similar. Solution of these problems will be a solution for both the Tamils and Muslims in the Tamil Speaking area. Therefore, the Muslims in the Taniil Speaking area should extend our fullest, co-operation to the Government and to the Tamils in particular, to find a permanent solution to the Ethnic Problems of the Tamils and in no way the Muslims of the Tamil Speaking area should be a hindrance.

Amparai District is 1,775 square miles in extent. According to the census of 1981, the Sinhalese are eligible for. 37.2% or 660 square miles but they have 76% or 1,340 square miles in the Sinhalese areas. Muslims are eligible for 41.6% or 728 square miles but we have only 263 square miles. In the Muslim- areas which is only 15% of the lands in Amparai District. However, the political Authority of the previous government and the District Minister in the present government are very keen to grab the developed and ready made paddy fields ‘of the Muslims in Muslim areas and settle Sinhalese relatives brought from other districts. These are .the illegal aided settlements of Sinhalese in Muslim areas which is over and above the 38 settlements of Sinhalese under Gal Oya Scheme 1960-63. This manoeuver has very seriously affected the economy and the political strength of the Indigenous Muslim population of Amparai District.

All land taken over from the Muslims by R. V. D. B. Sri Lanka Sugar corporation, and the Tile Factory should be returned to the Muslims with compensation. Muslims can cultivate the sugar cane required for the Factory.

All aided illegal settlements of Sinhalese other than the settlements under Gal Oya Development Project prior to 1963 should be removed out of Amparai District and settled under Mahaweli Settlement elsewhere.” So much for the memorandum ‘of the Amparai District Muslim League,

The Land mass of the Northern & Eastern Province falls entirely in the dry zone and is economically backward. If this fact along with the absence of the infrastructure and the resources of the rest of the country is taken into consideration it would be conceded that the land area involved is not out Of proportion to the population it serves.

The Reverend Priests spoke of the density of population in the various Districts. Why are the northern and eastern provinces barring Jaffna sparsely populated? It is because those areas are backward, undeveloped and have not even adequate water supply.

No prejudice is caused to the Sinhala people by the incorporation of this area into a single region.

Security of the Tamil people even- in the north & east is endangered by the armed forces which act as an army in occupation. Annexure ‘C’ gives power to the Regional Council’ for the maintenance of internal law & order in the region.

Unless the power is made effective there will be no security to the lives & property of the Tamil people even in these areas. One has to remember the words of Mr. Justice Sansoni at page 276 of his report on the violence in 1977. He says: ‘the incidents that occurred also show that there is a cleavage between the Sinhala & Tamil race’. Any solution will have to recognise this fundamental position.

The cleavage is even more complete after the violence of 1981 and irreversible after the latest pogroms in 1983, No amount of plastering can do away with that cleavage. Any realistic solution has to take cognisance of that fact and workout a structure taking the separation of the two in to consideration. I would like to refer to a prophetic statement made by Dr. Colvin R. De Silva in the Course of the debate on the Sinhala Only Act in 1956. He in his characteristic way said: Two Languages one state; one language, two states'. He said this to draw pointed attention to the fact if one language is made the Official Language the group deprived of its Rights, that had a sense of injustice will demand separation. Any solution, unless it is founded on justice and the recognition of the integrity of’ the Tamil Nation and its Territorial integrity will never work.

Before I conclude, I have to refer to the element of violence that has entered the body politic of this country. The outbreak of insurgency in South Ceylon was the precursor to this violence. Tamil Youths who were arrested in the early 70s were locked up with youths from the South who were involved in the insurgency. The violent behaviour of the police armed forces against unarmed Tamil people provoked acts of retaliation by some of the Tamil Youths. When nine innocent people were killed by the action of the police at the World Tamil Research Conference in 1974 it was regarded as a challenge to the Tamil manhood. 

Even as the Jallian Wallah Bagh massacre in Punjab gave rise to the emergence of the militant youth movement. The arrest and intense torture of youths led to retaliatory attacks against police officers responsible for this torture, events escalated in this way till we have reached the present difficult situation. 

It has to be mentioned that in the whole of this violence in the Tamil areas not one Sinhala civilian was harmed or killed. What happened in the South is just the opposite.

The answer to this is not torture by the armed forces against youths suspected of involvement in violence and against innocent people. This will only lead to more and more youths joining the ranks of the militants. Even recently, there had been serious crimes committed by the Armed Forces in areas like Vavuniya against Tamil people. What chance is there of identification and punishment of these men? The removal of these armed forces who are acting as an army of occupation in the Tamil areas is absolutely necessary. 

As Your Excellency remarked in your statement in Annexure ‘A-4’ -(1) if these proposals are implemented one may expect violent activity or support for it to whither away. There is no other way of putting a stop to violence. I have no time to deal with the various points that emerged from the speeches of the Rev Priests and others, some of my colleagues will deal with them. In conclusion I will only say whether the country is going to be plunged in further violence or not; whether the country is going to preserve its unity or not; whether the country is going to progress economically or not depends on the outcome of the deliberations of the Conference and I would appeal to all to work out a solution on the basis of justice and fair play.


TAMIL EELAM:
RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION 

Tamil United Liberation Front
General Election Manifesto, July 1977
Translation from the Tamil

"The Tamil Nation must take the decision to establish its sovereignty in its homeland on the basis of its right to self-determination. The only way to announce this decision to the Sinhalese government and to the world is to vote for the Tamil United Liberation Front. The Tamil speaking representative who get elected through these votes, while being members of the National State Assembly of Ceylon, will also form themselves into the "NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TAMIL EELAM" which will draft a constitution for the State of Tamil Eelam and to establish the independence of the Tamil Eelam by bringing that constitution into operation either by peaceful means or by direct action or struggle."


Introduction

The Sinhalese people who gained political power from the British, drafted for themselves, in fulfilment of their sovereignty a constitution which they put into operation and the first general election, after Ceylon was declared a republic, is being held now.

The issue as to who would be put into seats of power will not be the only one that would be decided by the votes that people would cast at this election.

Do the Tamils and the Muslims who have lost their freedom accept a Constitution that has paved the way for the majority community, the Sinhalese, to usurp, in full, under a facade of sovereignty of the people, the totality of political power in this country ? That is the issue to be resolved by the votes that our people would cast at this general election.

At the time the Republican Constitution was accepted by the Constituent Assembly and thereafter, very important changes took place among the political movements of the Tamils and in the midst of the Muslim people. The Tamil Parties that were at one another's throat with conflicting goals, came together, at last, to form the Tamil United Front. This became possible at a conference of the Tamil political Parties held in 1971 at Valvettiturai. Organisational consolidation followed at Trincomalee and in 1976 the Front came to be called the Tamil United Liberation Front.

A number of incidents that took place in the country along with certain actions of the Government following the proclamation of the republic led to a rethinking in the minds of Muslim people also. Particularly the Muslims in the Eastern and North-Western regions of Ceylon realised that their religion and language, lands and opportunities ties of employment were all being taken away from them and that in their own native land their lives and property too were insecure. They also realised that movements that accepted the leadership of the Sinhalese political parties would not defend even these basic rights of theirs. This realisation led to the formation of the Muslim United Front.

Bound together by the bonds of a common language and intertwining lives in a common territory and brought together by the common danger of total destruction, the Tamils and the Muslims realised the indispensability of joint action. Subject to the safeguards of preserving the identity of the Muslims and ensuring their sovereignty, the Muslim United Front joined the Tamil United Liberation Front as a constituent unit. The rights of the Muslim people in the Tamil State of Eelam will be amplified further in this manifesto. When we speak of the Tamil Nation, we refer to the entirety of the people in this country to whom the mother tongue is Tamil.


up One Question: Freedom or Servitude?

The General election of 1977 is a crucial one to the Tamil Nation. So far as the Tamil territory is concerned, this general election is a clash between the only political movement of the Tamil Nation and the representatives of the various political parties of Sinhalese imperialism that keeps the Tamil nation under its heels. The election in the Sinhala territory decides the question as to which of their parties should come to power. And in the Tamil territory, the question to be resolved is whether the Tamils want their freedom or continued servitude. The Tamil United Liberation Front will use this election to resolve the issue


up History

Though Ceylon is a single state now, yet by facts of history, by the languages spoken by its inhabitants, by culture, tradition and by psychology, it is the common home of two nations and consists of two countries.

The present republic of Sri Lanka is in reality a union of "Sinhala Land" and "Tamil Eelam".

The fact that the Tamil nation has been living in this country from pre-historic times enjoying its sovereign rights under a state of its own is recorded in no less an authority than the great work of Sinhalese history - Mahawamsa.

Even before the Christian era, the entire Island of Ceylon was ruled by Tamil Kings, Senan, Kuddikan and Elara  (Ellalan) and thereafter for over thousand years, as a result of struggle for supremacy between the Tamil Kings and the Sinhalese Kings the capital of the Sinhalese Kings was gradually shifted southwards away from Tamil Centres. These are facts of recorded history.

It is also a fact that the entire Island was under the sway of Tamil Kings at times and the Sinhalese Kings at other times. From this background of alternating fortunes, emerged, at the beginning of the 13th century a clear and stable political fact.

At this time, the territory stretching in the western sea-hoard from Chilaw through Puttalam to Mannar and thence to the Northern Regions and in the East, Trincomalee and also the Batticaloa Regions that extended southwards up to Kumana or to the northern banks of the river Kumbukkan Oya were firmly established as the exclusive homeland of the Tamils. This is the territory of Tamil Eelam.

For several centuries before the advent of Europeans to Ceylon in the 16th century, the Tamils have been living in this territory under their own Kingdom. Tamils reigned supreme in this country with their own national colours and their own military forces.

The Portuguese who for over a century were at times entering into treaty relationships with these Tamil Kings and at other times meeting them in losing battle - fronts finally, in the war of 1619, captured the Tamil King, Sankili Kumaran, and took him to Goa where he was hanged.

It was  the assistance that King Sankili gave to the Kandyan King in transiting reinforcements from neighbouring South India for the latter's war against the Portuguese that made the European power battle in full vigour for an indispensable capture of the Jaffna Kingdom.

The Tamil King was captured by the military might of the Portuguese aided by local Quislings. However, for three years thereafter, the Tamils continued to fight against foreign domination under the leadership of a coastal petty king Varnakulathihan. And they lost.

Neither the Sinhalese king nor the Sinhalese people did offer any assistance to the Tamils who were fighting to defend their state. It was their view that they and their country had nothing in common with the state of Tamil Eelam. This is exactly what we want the Sinhalese people to reiterate now.

The Portuguese who subdued the State of Tamil Eelam continued to govern it as a separate state. So did the Dutch who captured it, in turn from the Portuguese. The Cleghorn Minute clearly establishes that even under the  Dutch, the judicial district   of Jaffna patnam that covered the northern and eastern parts of the Island extended, in the west coast of the Island, from Puttalam to Mannar and in the east, southwards up to the limits of Kumana or the river Kumbukkan Oya that separated Batticaloa from the southern Sinhalese district of Matara.

This Tamil State was captured from the Dutch by the British who too continued to retain its separate status till 1833 when, for convenience of administration, it was brought under one all island authority, the Government of Ceylon. Totally disregarding the history, traditions and aspirations of peoples of these various states, the British brought together under one authority the state of Eelam which they captured from the Dutch,  and Kandyan Kingdom which they overran in 1815 along with the Sinhalese Kingdom of Kotte.


up Sovereignty of the Tamil Nation

The sovereignty of the people of Tamil Eelam changed hands from the Portuguese who defeated them in battle into those of the Dutch and later into those of the British. Ceylon was granted independence on the fourth of February 1948.

Though political power was transferred to the people of this country, yet the British Queen continued to be the repository of their sovereignty.

The republican constitution that came into operation with its acceptance by the Constituent Assembly on the 22nd of May 1972 severed this legal continuity and guaranteed the sovereignty of the people of Ceylon proclaiming that the people of Ceylon themselves were the repository of this sovereignty.

But the representatives of the Tamil Nation withheld their consent to this constitution and rejected it. 15 out of the 19 Members of Parliament elected by the Tamil people rejected it and boycotted the meeting of 22nd of May 1972 that was called to accept that constitution. It is clear that there is neither legal continuity nor the consent of the Tamil Nation to this constitution.

The sovereignty of the Tamil Nation and the statehood that was taken away from them, in the battle field in 1619 by the Portuguese changed hands to the Dutch and later to the British by right of conquest. But it is clear that the Sinhalese Nation has not taken over the sovereignty of the Tamil Nation through legal continuity or by consent or by right of conquest. There is no doubt that the Tamil Nation, by standards of international law, does possess the right, on the basis of the right to self-determination, to re-establish its sovereignty and statehood and to draft for itself a constitution and thus to administer its own affairs, all by itself.

The Sinhala Nation imposing its reign over the Tamil Nation and the conversion of Tamil Eelam into a colony of the Sinhala State is undoubtedly nothing else but   imperialistic rule. The present constitution is one that was drafted on the basis of the right of self-determination of the Sinhala Nation, on a mandate given by that nation for that purpose.

In the same manner, the Tamil United Liberation Front views the forthcoming general election as an opportunity to obtain the mandate of the Tamil Nation and on the basis of its right to self-determination, re-establish the independence of the State of Tamil Eelam, the expression of the sovereignty of the Tamil Nation.

With a view to dispelling the doubts of those who still wonder whether there is no alternative to the re-establishment of our sovereignty in our exclusive soil, we wish to record here briefly to what position of desperation the Sinhala imperialistic reign of the last 30 years has driven the State of Tamil Eelam and the Tamil Nation.


up The Tamil Nation under Sinhala Domination

1. Citizenship Laws

The citizenship laws of this country were made within six months of the transfer of political power to the Sinhalese in 1948. As a result of this legislation, the Tamil labourers of the tea and rubber plantations in the central hills of Ceylon whose blood and sweat alone have built up and sustained the prosperity of this country were rendered stateless.

Out of the eight representatives elected to Parliament with their votes in 1947, not a single one could be returned in the general election of 1952 or ever thereafter.

Constituencies, for the demarcation of which their voteless numerical strength was taken into computation, returned Sinhalese representatives whose numbers were thus inequitably swelled in Parliament. The Sinhalese people who form about 70% of the population secured for themselves 80% of the seats in Parliament. The concept of 'Safeguard to Minorities' was distorted into 'Safeguard to the Majority Community' that ensured a position of excessive representation to the majority community.

One could see this very same position continued in the present Constitution as well. Thus, this disfranchisement of the plantation (Tamil) labour was the first step that paved the way for a series of denial of the political rights of the minorities with a view to enthroning Sinhalese imperialism.

Tamils and Muslims of Ceylon were made doubtful citizens by these Citizenship laws. In consequence they had to face a lot of miseries in their day to day life. And to inquire into these irritations and to provide relief to these people, the very government, in 1964, appointed a committee of government officers. The recommendations of this committee even after 13 years, today, are still in cold storage awaiting implementation.

To register a document of purchase of land made with his own savings, a Tamil or a Muslim outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces finds himself in the plight of having to pay a discriminatory tax of 100%. Tamils and Muslims who are unable to establish that for two generations before 1948 they were born here are teeing shut out from business, travel, trade, employment opportunities etc. The first fruits of freedom to the Tamil Nation was disfranchisement, statelessness, status of illicit immigrant and a position of doubted citizens.


up 2. Colonisation

The aggression against Tamil Eelam by planned colonisation by the Sinhalese governments has been drastic and grave. Beginning with the government of the United National Parry and those of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna andthe Sri Lanka Freedom Party that followed, in turn, put into operation planned and state aided colonisation schemes by which lakhs and lakhs of Sinhalese people were planted in the homeland of the Tamil Nation that was once ruled by the Tamil kings from whom foreign imperialism wrested this Tamil homeland through force of arms.

Sinhalese people were "put in occupation", at state expense, of extensive tracts of the Eastern Province at Pattipalai Aru, Alla;, Kantalai, Padavikulam, etc. Illegal occupation of state owned lands by Sinhalese people with covert government support was legalised and their ownership regularised by the government. Lands and coconut estates taken over from the Tamils and Muslims in the Amparai district by the state, under the Ceiling on Lands Act are now being distributed to the Sinhalese people.

Lands owned by the Tamil and Muslim peasants and also lands which these people themselves developed and cultivated at places like Kondaivettuwan and Akkilaveli have been forcibly taken over and handed over, with government help, to the Sinhalese people.

Puttalam is yet another District where state conspired  Sinhalese colonisation has deprived the local people of their territory.

While this government has been providing these facilities to the Sinhalese aggressors of Tamil Eelam, it let loose the army, under Special Emergency Regulations, against the hill country Tamil labourers who sought to make a living by opening and developing forest lands that lay unexplored and uncared for, at Punanai, in 'the Eastern Province. A cadju plantation scheme started at Kondaichi, in the Mannar District, is now a Sinhalese colony of two thousand families.

In the very Tamil heartland of Jaffna, at Colombuthurai, a Sinhalese colony, like Amarasekera Pura, has been opened up. The Eastern Province where, when the British left in 1948, there were hardly  10,000 Sinhalese, is now flooded with some 180,000 Sinhalese people.

The extent of this damage to the political power and influence of the Tamils is reflected in the newly created Parliamentary constituencies of Amparai and Seruwila which have engulfed some 1,500 square miles of Tamil territory. And this constitutes a 2/5th of the land area of the Eastern Province whose further development lies within these fertile lands, thus usurped. The Tamil Nation is confronted with the danger of being rendered a minority and being thus destroyed in its own homelands all over Tamil Eelam. The Nation realises the need to liberate its land to save itself from annihilation.


up 3.Language

Before the attainment of independence, a resolution was passed in the State Council, the legislature, in 1944 that Sinhalese and Tamil shall be the official languages. Every Sinhalese political party at that time accepted this policy.

But Mr Bandaranaiyake's government, in 1956, passed the Sinhala Only Act. The United National Party too supported it. At present, all the Sinhalese political parties have accepted the policy of 'Sinhala Only'. This Act, which, in 1956, was an ordinary law  has in the Republican Constitution of 1972 been elevated to a constitutional status.

Regulations on the use of Tamil Language which the the Tamils secured for themselves as a result of several struggles with the government have been deliberately dethroned in the constitution. Section 8 (2) of the constitution unequivocally stipulates that these regulations will not be treated as being a part of the constitution.

In consequence has developed a situation where the Tamil speaking public servants have to groan under the loss of equal opportunities with the Sinhalese officers in matters of employment, promotions, extension of service, increments etc. The real intention of the Sinhala Only Act is to create a situation that would keep out the Tamil officers and ensure the appointment of Sinhalese officers only, in government service.

The rulers are greatly successful in the endeavour. This is not an emotional issue as some are inclined to believe. In a country that is being overwhelmed with nationalisation, this is a life and death issue that affects the economic life of the Tamil Nation.


up 4.Religion

Buddhism has been given pre eminence in the constituion and declared to tee the only religion that would enjoy state protection. Other faiths have no right to any protection except the right of being practised, in private. Tamil Nation comprises Hindus, Christians and Muslims. And the consititution has thus placed on them the stamp of of second class citizens.


up 5.Culture

Though the Tamils and Sinhalese have lived in this country for over two thousand years, yet the Tamils have continued to preserve their individual culture based on their language. This culture and the traditions were nurtured even under Portuguese, Dutch and British imperialistic rule.

The vital reason behind this survival was that though the Tamils in Eelam were not strong in numbers, yet they never lost the opportunites of maintaining close bonds with the powerful fountain of Tamil culture across the Palk Strait, in Tamil Nadu, South India.

No doubt there were pre-eminant sons of Eelam like Arumuga Navalar, Swami Vipulananthar, Father Gnanapiragasar and others who rendered tremendous service to the growth of international Tamil culture. Yet, if the bonds of art and literature etc. with South India are snapped, it is certain that the culture of Tamil Eelam would weaken and turn into one that is Sinhalese based.

In recent times, the government of: this country not only imposed several restrictions on the import of cultural works, literature, quality films etc. from Tamil Nadu but also put obstacles to the visits of Tamil scholars and artists from Tamil Nadu. By the government policy of imposition of the Sinhala language several Sinhala words like poya, pola, laksala, salusala are creeping into the Tamil language in Eelam. With the curtailment of links with Tamil Nadu, on the one hand and the increasing tempo of Sinhala imposition on the other, Tamil language will undergo strange transformation and the identity of the Tamil culture will be destroyed and finally the Tamil Nation itself would disappear  from this land. That is the goal that the government has set for itself.


up 6.Education

Through the help of Christian religious institutions under foreign colonial rule and later through great educational institutions the Tamil people established by themselves, for themselves the Tamil students of this country were in the forefront of education.

Sinhalese students in  districts like Colombo, Kandy and Galle also enjoyed similar opportunities. It is imperative that the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim students of the backward areas, deficient in such facilities, should be provided with those facilities and enabled to go forward. This is an obligation of the State. But several obstacles are put in the way of Tamil students outside the Northern and Eastern provinces in obtaining even elementary education. Several Tamil elementary schools are being closed down to provide accommodation for Sinhalese schools. Tamil sections in several Sinhalese schools are being destroyed. Some are not functioning because of non appointment of sufficient number of teachers.

As a result Tamil students in several areas are compelled to study through the Sinhala medium. In the heartland of Tamil Eelam, in the Northern Province itself, a few people have been enticed with teaching jobs and Sinhala Buddhist schools have been opened and approved and Sinhala has been made the medium of instruction there. If the government could display so much of audacity here, then one could easily fathom the depth and fanaticism of Sinhala imperialism in the annihilation of the Tamil Nation.

In the sphere of education, it was in the university admissions of  1970  that the gravest injustice was perpetrated against the Tamil speaking students.

Large number of Tamil students qualified to gain university admission to the medical, engineering and science faculties that year were shut out through an inequitable device, designated ted standardisation.

While Sinhalese students who obtained 229 marks were admitted to the medical faculty, Tamil students who were admitted were required to obtain 250 marks. In the same manner, for admission to the Engineering Faculty of the Peradeniya Campus, a Sinhalese student had to obtain 227 marks whereas a Tamil student had to score 250 marks. It is intolerable that while a Tamil student with even 249 marks cannot gain admission, a Sinhalese student with 227 marks could do so, with ease.

For the last 7 years this standardisation has been in operation in various guises and in every faculty of the university, the number of admissions of Tamil students has been going down.

Here is an illustration: Of  the total number of students admitted to the university in 1969, the percentage of Tamil students was 40.8. This figure has been steadily going down and it was 16.3 in 1974, it dropped still further in 1975 and 1976. One could see that the sections that were most affected by this injustice were the most backward ones in the Tamil community. Thus, parents who lacked the means to employ private tutors to get their children pushed through this drastic ordeal had to forget about higher education to their children. As a result, the student community was driven to the brink of frustration and engulfed by anxiety about their future Could anyone deny that the Sinhalese reign that has been responsible for the grave injury should be ended if this generation of youth is to live as human beings brimming with self-confidence.


up 7. Employment Opportunities

The very same discriminatory policies pursued in the sphere of education are being pursued in a worse manner in the field of employment. out of a 22% population of Tamil speaking people, not even a 2 (two) percent are selected for jobs in the armed forces. In the police force,  at the level of the lowest rung, the constable, five percent of the places and in higher rungs an even smaller percentage of the places only, are offered. In the clerical and technical grades also, the percentage is the same.

Because equal opportunities in education were available in earlier times, Tamil students were able to gain enough places in the medical and engineering professions. Now, even in these spheres as a result of the impact of standardisation, a percentage  far less than the one warranted by the percentage of the Tamil population is taken in. Vacancies in the minor grades in the Tamil areas are filled with people selected in divisional offices like Anuradhapura and Badulla in the Sinhalese areas.

As an example could be cited the recent selections of the Ceylon Electricity Board for vacancies in the Tamil district of Jaffna. Out of the people selected at the Anuradhapura office, 66 were Sinhalese and 2 (two) were Tamils. In a country where, as a result of the policy of nationalisation, the private sector is shrinking, should we not ponder what tragedy would overtake the economic life of the Tamil Nation if tile government should adopt such a form of discriminatory policies. If our country is to prosper, the reins of our destiny must not be left in the hands of others. We must become our own masters of our own Destiny. That is the irrevocable goal that the Tamil Nation has set for itself, now.


up 8. Economic Development of Tamil Eelam

The state owned factories in Tamil Eelam today were set up 20 years ago. Every single factory that was set up in  this country, with foreign aid, was set up only in the Sinhalese Districts. Schemes like the Kachchai Salterns, the Kankesanturai harbour development, Fishery Harbour at Myliddy, all of which were started between 1965-1970 by a government in which the Tamil representatives too were members, have all been abandoned for the last seven years.

No major irrigation scheme of the government will help develop our Eelam. Save for the schemes like Gal Oya, Allai, Kantalai etc. whose deliberate motive was the planting of the Sinhalese population in the territory of Tamil Eelam, no irrigation scheme of any consequence that had as its objective, the welfare of either the Tamil or Muslim population in Eelam has ever been implemented during the last twenty years.

There were of course some minor schemes of white-washing. When oil prospecting with Soviet aid was started in Mannar, the local Tamil and Muslim populations were ignored and 90% of the labourers were imported from the Sinhalese areas. In the private sector, obtaining licences to start industrial ventures in the Tamil areas is a herculean task. Even in some minor factories started in the Tamil areas, the majority of the employees are Sinhalese. Not only are the Tamil people ignored in the matter of employment opportunities in the state sector but also are The tamil areas ignored in the economic development. They have been allowed to deteriorate into backward areas.


up 9. Racial Terrorism

For the last twenty years, racial terrorism has been let loose in this country, against the Tamil and Muslim population in a manner that reminded them that they were slaves who were not entitled to any rights or protection. Tamils and Muslims have been quite often the objects of violence of the Sinhalese hooligans instigated by government supported Sinhalese communal organisations and of the Police and the armed forces in whose hands they suffered untold misery by way of looting and arson in homes, shops and places of business, by grievous injuries, loss of life and property and violation against women.

In 1956, Tamils were attacked in Colombo and in a part of the Tamil territory of Eelam that had been turned into Sinhalese land, Amparai. Age old Tamil villages like Thuraineelavanai had to resort to fire arms in defence of their hearths and homes from attacks by Sinhalese hoodlums.

The communal fury against the Tamils in 1958 in the entire Sinhalese land is a chapter of dreadful blot in the history of this country. Thousands of Tamils were taken to Northern and Eastern provinces in commandeered ships and army protected convoys. Property worth several millions were lost, several hundreds lost their lives and thousands, their homes.

Tamil women were raped; pregnant women were slaughtered to pieces on public highways. The Murugan Temple priest at Panadura was burnt alive. Several dead bodies were retrieved from one well alone at Maha Oya. While Sinhalese terrorism raged against the Tamils all over the country, the Sinhalese government arrested the Tamil leaders and put them behind bars. It was insult added to injury.

Military terror was let loose in the Tamil provinces against the Tamils who were engaged in a non-violent campaign of Civil Disobedience in 1961 to demand their language rights.

No civilised country could have witnessed a police attack as barbarous as the one that the Sinhalese police made against the Tamil people in in their lakhs were listening in a state of rapture to a treat of a Tamil literary talk by Professor Nainar Mohamed on the last day of the IVth international Tamil Research Conference where Tamil scholars from the world over had assembled, on January 10th 1974 in Jaffna. The rulers of this country refused either to hold an enquiry or even to express sympathy at the atrocity that resulted in 9 Tamil deaths. This tells its own tale of the manner the Sinhalese governments treat the Tamils in this land.

Pararasa, a bank clerk was shot dead by the police while he was returning from a temple festival, in Jaffna. Tamil leaders who went to the office of the police superintendent were set upon by the Sinhalese police in civil clothes. Ledchumanan, the Tamil youth, who refused to be driven out into the street from his home in the tea plantations was killed by the police. Homes of Tamil labourers at Gampola were looted and set ablaze. Unjustified Sinhalese police attacks and the fury of Sinhalese hooligans have, for the last few years been let loose against the Muslims also. In 1976 alone, in no less than 40 places like Mahiyangana, Gampola, Panadura, Nikawartiya etc. unprotected Muslims were the targets of Sinhalese rowdies. Their losses ran into lakhs and lakhs of rupees.

On the 2nd of February 1976, seven of the Muslims at prayer inside a Mosque at Puttalam were ruthlessly massacred by the Sinhalese police, inside that holy spot. 271 houses, 44 shops 2 fibre factories belonging to the Muslims of Puttalam were set on fire, 2 Mosques were burnt down, 2 Muslim youths were burnt alive by the Sinhalese hooligans. The government was not willing to hold a public enquiry into the horrible murders. These incidents only reiterate the fact that the lives and property of Tamils and Muslims who are living as slaves in this country do not enjoy any protection from the Sinhalese governments.


up 10. Imposition of a New Constitution on the Tamil Nation

Drafting a new constitution and its imposition on the Tamil Nation is the climax of  the dictatorial actions, samples of which were shown here.

The Ceylon Parliament which became a symbol of perverted democracy when its citizenship laws helped grab 80% of Parliamentary representation by the 70% Sinhalese population, after the general election of 1970, was formed into a Constituent Assembly.

The deliberations of this Assembly were conducted under a state of emergency, proclaimed in 1971, where the freedom of speech and freedom of writing were all taken away from the people and while a strict press censorship was in force.

The two-thirds majority of the Government and the Sinhala communal majority were fully exploited.

All the Amendments to the Basic Resolutions introduced on behalf of the Tamil speaking people were rejected, in toto, by the Sinhalese majority in the Assembly.

A federal scheme with an Autonomous Tamil states and an Autonomous Muslim state with three Sinhalese States put forward by the Federal Party, a constituent of the present Tamil United Liberation Front, as a solution to the racial problems of this country, was turn down by the Assembly even before being examined.

Neither any Sinhalese Party nor any member from the majority community came forward to discuss or offer any alternative scheme that could meet with the aspirations of the Tamil Nation.

Attempts made by the Tamil members to secure a place in the Constitution at least for the Regulations for use of the Tamil Language proved abortive. The only outcome of these efforts was the introduction, in the Constitution, of section 8 (2) that categorically stated that these Regulations on the use of Tamil Language shall not form a part of the Constitution. Realising the futility of any continued participation, the Tamil representatives in the Constituent Assembly walked out.

The Assembly meeting of 22nd May I 972 which was summoned to pass the Constitution was boycotted by 15 out of the 19 elected Tamil representatives.

Out of the four that voted in favour of the constitution, two lost their representative character after having been expelled from their party, the All Ceylon Tamil Congress; one was elected as a candidate of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (Federal Party) and was expelled from that party and thus lost his right of representation. The fourth was a member who contested on an anti-government platform and won as an independent.

Hence it is obvious that this constitution was rejected 100% by the Tamil people. The manner in which the unanimous opposition of the Tamil Nation was ignored and how the new constitution was imposed on them has only confirmed the psychology of the Sinhalese imperialistic masters that they are ruling over a slave Nation according to their own whims and fancies.

They have done away with the meagre safe guards provided for the minorities in the constitution left behind by the British, placed their own language and religion at such high a pedestal that no one could ever tamper with them and through this imposedconstitution, made the Tamils their slaves without any share in the political: power of this State.


up Does the Tamil Nation have an alternative?

The leader of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress, Mr.G.G. Ponnambalam before the withdrawal of British power, demanded balanced representation for the protection of minorities. Though the Soulbury Constitution rejected the demand, yet it incorporated a safeguard in Section 29 of that constitution. But the new Republican Constitution of 1972 has deleted that safeguard.

Mr. S. J. V. Chevanayakam through his Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (Federal Party), toiled for 25 years to safeguard the rights of the Tamil Nation through the device of federalism. He entered into agreements with Premier Bandaranalke and his Sri Lanka Freedom Party and also with Premier Dudley Senanayake to obtain at least regional autonomy for the Tamil Nation. These agreements were latter abrogated because of opposition from the Sinhalese people.

The demand for a federal solution was rejected by the Constituent Assembly even without a debate. Neither the six-point demand of the Tamil United Front nor the twenty-point demand of some Tamil elders ever had any reception.

What is the alternative now left to the Nation that has lost its rights to its language, rights to its citizenship, rights to its religions and continues day by day to lose its traditional homeland to Sinhalese colonisation ? What is the alternative now left to a Nation that has lost its opportunities to higher education through standardisation and its equality in opportunities in the sphere of employment ? What is the alternative to a Nation that lies helpless as it is being assaulted, looted and killed by hooligans instigated by the ruling race and by the security forces of the State? Where else is an alternative to the Tamil Nation that gropes in the dark for its identity and finds itself driven to the brink of devastation?

There is only one alternative and that is to proclaim with the stamp of finality and fortitude that "we alone shall rule over our land that our fore fathers ruled. Sinhalese imperialism shall quit our Homeland". The Tamil United Liberation Front regards the general election of 1977 as a means of proclaiming to the Sinhalese Government this resolve of the Tamil Nation. And every vote that you cast for the Front would go to show that the Tamil Nation is determined to liberate itself from Sinhalese domination.


up Tamil Eelam - A Secular Socialist State

Hence the Tamil United Liberation Front seeks in the General Election the mandate of the Tamil Nation to establish an independent sovereign, secular, socialist State of Tamil Eelam that includes all the geographically contiguous areas that have been the traditional homeland of the Tamil speaking people in the country.

At the same time The Tamil United Liberation Front proclaims the following guarantees on the political, social and economic structure of the State of Tamil Eelam. The Front declares that the Tamil State of Eelam will be established on the basis of these guarantees.

l. FOLLOWING SHALL BE THE CITIZENS OF TAMIL EELAM:

(a) All those people now living in the territory of Tamil Eelam.

(b) Tamil speaking persons from any part of Ceylon seeking citizenship in the State of Tamil Eelam.

(c) Tamil speaking people of Ceylonese descent living in any part of the world and seeking citizenship in the State of Tamil Eelam.

2. Political power shall be decentralised so that no one region or no one religion is allowed to dominate over any other region or religion thus ensuring regional autonomy for the people in the various regions  in the pattern of federalism obtaining in Switzerland. The Tamil United Liberation Front guarantees that particularly Muslims who form a part of the State of Tamil Eelam will be established in the Regions where they are in a majority as an autonomous province with the right to secede on the basis of the right to self-determination.

3. The Tamil United Liberation Front guarantees that neither a Tamil majority region nor a Muslim majority region will be allowed to be colonised by the other group thus ensuring that no group of people is reduced to a minority in its own Region.

4. Caste system along with the atrocity of untouchability and the grave injustice of attributing social superiority or inferiority by birth will be totally eradicated and any such practice subjected to rigorous punishment by law.

5. The State of Tamil Eelam shall be a secular one where all the religions practised by the people in the State will receive equal protection and aid.

6. Tamil shall be the official language of the State of Tamil Eelam while the Sinhalese living in the State will be provided the right to be educated in their own tongue and to transact their business with the state in their own language. Similarly guarantees will be sought from the Sinhala State about the language rights of the Tamil speaking people living in that state.

7. In  Tamil Eelam which shall be a scientific socialist State

(a) Exploitation of man by man will be prevented by law;

(b) Dignity of labour will be- protected.

(c) While the private sector will be permitted within limits imposed by law, means of production and distribution will be state owned or subject to state control.

(d) Full protection will be afforded to tenant cultivators and residents on privately owned lands.

(e) Economic development of the Tamil State of Eelam will be on the basis of Socialist planning.

(f) A ceiling will be fixed on the wealth an individual or a family could accumulate.

8. While the Socialist State of Tamil Eelam would follow a policy of non-alignment, it would, in the international field, lend its support to the anti-imperialist forces and democratic liberation movements.

9. The State of Tamil Eelam will develop friendship with the progressive forces in the Sinhalese State and would on the basis of fraternity, work out a peaceful solution for the mutual problems facing the two nations.


up Liberation - how will it be achieved?

The Tamil Nation must take the decision to establish its sovereignty in its homeland on the basis of its right to self-determination. The only way to announce this decision to the Sinhalese government and to the world is to vote for the Tamil United Liberation Front. The Tamil speaking representative who get elected through these votes, while being members of the National State Assembly of Ceylon, will also form themselves into the "NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TAMIL EELAM" which will draft a constitution for the State of Tamil Eelam and to establish the independence of the Tamil Eelam by bringing that constitution into operation either by peaceful means or by direct action or struggle.

The National Assembly of Tamil Eelam will draw up and implement plans relating to the economic development social progress, protection of territory, educational development etc.

Action will be taken to enlist international support to achieve the freedom of Tamil Eelam.


up Other programmes of work

The problems of the Tamil speaking people outside Tamil Eelam are getting complicated today. Particularly the up country Tamil workers are being forcibly driven out of their places of work and places of residence by the Sinhalese government and government abetted Sinhalese hooligans. It is quite clear that the terrible act of arson on the homes of Tamil labourers and the police firing that caused the death of the Tamil youth, Ledchumanan, in the Devon estate, have been pre planned and deliberate.

The Tamil United Liberation Front will fight for the rights of these workers who have toiled for the prosperity of this country, to live in their own homes with security of employment fully guaranteed. The Tamil United Liberation Front will work for the basic human rights and political, social and economic rights of the Tamil speaking people living in any part of Ceylon.

At the same time, the Tamil United Liberation Front will set up a special organisation to prepare plans for the well-being of and to give all assistance to the Tamil Speaking people who wish to migrate to Tamil eelam to set up their lives in their new homes.

It is indispensable that every person who is a member of the Tamil Nation that aspires to be free must be able to live in enjoyment of human rights, in full. Hence, as an important aspect of the liberation movement, intensive steps will be taken for the abolition of the caste system and social disabilities imposed on any section the Tamil people.

Tamil United Liberation Front will take steps to develop friendship with the progressive forces, in South Ceylon, that recognise and are sympathetic towards, the aspirations of the Tamil Nation and with countries that are sympathetic towards the freedom movements particularly with the anti imperialist forces abroad.


up Conclusion

The Tamil Nation is at a turning point in its history. The unity we have achieved has made the Sinhalese imperialists take a fresh look at the situation. In this background, as a first step towards the realisation of the freedom of the Nation, the unanimous verdict of the Tamil speaking people is indispensable. Hence we appeal to you to set aside your passions for, or prejudices against, individual candidates, to forget differences of region, caste or religion and, with the one and the only determination of making the Tamil Nation master of its Destiny to

VOTE

  • for the Tamil United Liberation Front,

  • for the emancipation of the Tamil Nation,

  • for the Freedom of Tamil Eelam

Printed at Modern Printers of 192, Sea Street, Colombo 11, and published by Mr A. Amirthalingam, Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front of 238, Main Street, Jaffna (Sri Lanka)

 

On May 4, 1972 several Tamil political groups, including the All Ceylon Tamil Congress, formed the Tamil United Front (TUF). The Federal Party joined the TUF in 1976. The TUF changed its name to the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and adopted a demand for an independent state to be known as the "secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam".

[edit] 1977 Parliamentary General Election

In the first general election contested by the TULF, the 21 July 1977 election in which the UNP won by a landslide, the TULF won 6.40% of the popular vote and 18 out of 168 seats in the Sri Lankan parliament, including all 14 seats in the Northern Province.

Votes and seats won by TULF by electoral district

Electoral District

Votes

%

Seats

Turnout

TULF MP

Batticaloa

26,648

24.70%

1

171.15%

Chelliah Rajadurai

Chavakachcheri

20,028

63.27%

1

85.65%

V. N. Navaratnam

Jaffna

16,251

56.62%

1

82.32%

Vettivelu Yogeswaran

Kalkudah

12,595

43.07%

0

86.02%

 

Kalmunai

7,093

27.38%

0

89.86%

 

Kankesanthurai

31,155

85.41%

1

83.08%

Appapillai Amirthalingam

Kayts

17,640

64.05%

1

75.72%

K.P. Ratnam

Kilinochchi

15,607

73.42%

1

79.71%

Veerasingham Anandasangaree

Kopay

25,840

77.20%

1

80.03%

S. Kathiravelupillai

Manipay

27,550

83.99%

1

79.28%

Visvanathan Dharmalingam

Mannar

15,141

51.58%

1

92.40%

P.S. Soosaithasan

Mullaitivu

10,261

52.36%

1

79.34%

X.M. Sellathambu

Mutur

7,520

27.00%

0

91.65%

 

Nallur

29,858

89.42%

1

83.05%

Murugesu Sivasithamparam

Paddirippu

15,877

49.17%

1

89.92%

P. Ganeshalingam

Point Pedro

12,989

55.91%

1

81.66%

Kathiripillai Thurairatnam

Pottuvil

23,990

26.97%

1

179.02%

M. Kanagaratnam

Puttalam

3,268

10.52%

0

83.58%

 

Samanthurai

8,615

34.65%

0

91.04%

 

Trincomalee

15,144

51.76%

1

81.78%

Rajavarothiam Sampanthan

Udupiddy

18,768

63.44%

1

80.05%

T. Rasalingam

Vaddukoddai

23,384

70.18%

1

81.90%

T. Thirunavukarasu

Vavuniya

13,821

59.02%

1

82.31%

T. Sivasithamparam

Total

399,043

6.40%

18

 

 

Source:[1]

The TULF became the official opposition as result of the rout of the SLFP. The TULF's success would lead to riots in which hundreds of Tamils were murdered by Sinhala mobs.

Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, the TULF was frequently blamed by nationalist Sinhalese politicians for acts of violence committed by militant groups such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). In fact, the TULF represented an older, more conservative generation of Tamils that felt independence could be achieved without violence, more rival than ally to youth groups like the LTTE who believed in armed conflict.

In October 1983, all the TULF legislators, numbering sixteen at the time, forfeited their seats in Parliament for refusing to swear an oath unconditionally renouncing support for a separate state in accordance with the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

During the 1980s, the LTTE began to see the TULF as a rival in its desire to be considered the sole representatives of the Tamils of the north and east. Over the next two decades, the LTTE has assassinated several TULF leaders, including Appapillai Amirthalingam and Neelan Thiruchelvam.

1989 Parliamentary General Election

The TULF formed an alliance with the three Indian backed paramilitary groups, Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF), Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), to contest the 15 February 1989 election. The alliance won 3.40% of the popular vote and 10 out of 225 seats in the Sri Lankan parliament.

Votes and seats won by TULF / ENDLF / EPRLF / TULF alliance by electoral district

Electoral
District
Votes % Seats Turnout TULF / ENDLF / EPRLF / TELO MPs
Batticaloa 55,131 35.49% 3 71.74% Prince Gunarasa Casinader (EPRLF)
Govinthan Karunakaram (TELO)
Thambimuthu Samuel Pennington Thevarasa (EPRLF), murdered 11 May 1990
Joseph Pararajasingham (TULF), from 1990 (replaces Sam Thambimuthu (EPRLF))
Digamadulla 43,424 20.32% 1 80.41% Jeyaratnam Thiviya Nadan (EPRLF)
Jaffna 60,013 25.02% 3 40.50% Kandiah Navaratnam (EPRLF)
Kandaiah Premachandran (EPRLF)
Ganeshankari Yogasangari (EPRLF), murdered 19 June 1990
Vanni 17,271 39.99% 2 30.53% Raja Kuhaneswaran (TELO)
Anthony Emmanuel Silva (EPRLF)
National List     1   Appapillai Amirthalingam (TULF), murdered 13 July 1989
Somasundaram Senathirajah (replaces Appapillai Amirthalingam)
Total 188,593 3.40% 10 63.6%  

Sources: [2][3]

1994 Parliamentary General Election

In the 16 August 1994 election in which the People's Alliance alliance led by Chandrika Kumaratunga came to power after 17 years of UNP rule, the TULF won 1.60% of the popular vote and 5 out of 225 seats in the Sri Lankan parliament.

Votes and seats won by TULF by electoral district

Electoral
District
Votes % Seats Turnout TULF MPs
Batticaloa 76,516 43.95% 3 66.47% Joseph Pararajasingham
Pon Selvarasa
K. Thurairasasingham
Trincomalee 28,380 23.66% 1 65.15% Thangathurai Arunasalam
National List     1   Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam, murdered 29 July 1999
Somasundaram Senathirajah, from August 1999 (replaces Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam)
Total 132,461 1.60% 5 76.23%  

Sources: [4][5]

[edit] 2000 Parliamentary General Election

In the 10 October 2000 election in which the People's Alliance alliance led by Ratnasiri Wickremanayake retained to power, the TULF won 1.23% of the popular vote and 5 out of 225 seats in the Sri Lankan parliament. Votes and seats won by TULF by electoral district

Electoral
District
Votes % Seats Turnout TULF MPs
Batticaloa 54,448 29.20% 2 71.74% Joseph Pararajasingham
Nimalan Soundaranayagam
Jaffna 32,852 27.59% 3 21.32% Veerasingham Anandasangaree
Somasundaram Senathirajah
Sinnathamby Sivamaharajah
Trincomalee 14,090 10.58% 0 68.52%  
Vanni 4,643 5.58% 0 42.13%  
National List     0    
Total 106,033 1.23% 5 75.62%
Sources: [6][7][8]

[edit] 2001 Parliamentary General Election

The TULF contested the 5 December 2001 election as a part of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) coalition. The TNA led by Rajavarothiam Sampanthan won 3.9% of the popular vote and 15 out of 225 seats in the Sri Lankan parliament.

Votes and seats won by TNA by electoral district

Electoral
District
Votes % Seats Turnout TNA MPs
Batticaloa 86,284 48.17% 3 68.20% Gnanamuttu Krishnapillai (ACTC)
Joseph Pararajasingham (TULF)
Thambiraja Thangavadivel (TELO)
Colombo 12,696 1.20% 0 76.31%  
Digamadulla 48,789 17.41% 1 82.51% Chandranehru Ariyanayagam (TULF)
Jaffna 102,324 54.84% 6 31.14% V. Anandasangaree (TULF)
Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam (ACTC)
Nadarajah Raviraj (TULF)
Somasundaram Senathirajah (TULF)
M.K. Shivajilingam (TELO))
Appathurai Vinayagamoorthy (ACTC)
Trincomalee 56,121 34.83% 1 79.88% Rajavarothiam Sampanthan (TULF)
Vanni 41,950 44.39% 3 46.77% Amirthanathan Adaikalanathan (TELO)
Sivasakthi Ananthan (EPRLF)
Irasa Kuhaneswaran (TELO)
National List     1   Murugesu Sivasithamparam (TULF), died 5 June 2002
Kathirgamathamby Thurairetnasingam (TULF) (replaces Murugesu Sivasithamparam)
Total 348,164 3.88% 15 76.03%  
Sources: [9][10]

 2004 Parliamentary General Election

The TULF contested the 2 April 2004 election as a part of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) coalition. The TNA led by Rajavarothiam Sampanthan won 6.9% of the popular vote and 22 out of 225 seats in the Sri Lankan parliament.

Votes and seats won by TNA by electoral district

Electoral
District
Votes % Seats Turnout TNA MPs
Batticaloa 161,011 66.71% 4 83.58% Senathirajah Jeyanandamoorthy
Thanmanpillai Kanagasabai
Thangeswary Kathiraman
Kingsley Rasanayagam, resigned April 2004
Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanethiran, from April 2004 (replaces Kingsley Rasanayagam)
Digamadulla 55,533 19.13% 1 81.42% Kanagasabai Pathmanathan, died 21 May 2009
Thomas Thangathurai William, from 12 June 2009 (replaces Kanagasabai Pathmanathan)
Jaffna 257,320 90.60% 8 47.38% Selvarajah Kajendren
Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam (ACTC)
Kandaiah Premachandran (EPRLF)
Nadarajah Raviraj (TULF), murdered 10 November 2006
Somasundaram Senathirajah (TULF)
M.K. Shivajilingam (TELO)
Kidnan Sivanesan, murdered 6 March 2008
Pathmini Sithamparanathan
Nallathamby Srikantha (TELO), from 30 November 2006 (replaces Nadarajah Raviraj)
Solomon Cyril, from 9 April 2008 (replaces K. Sivanesan)
Trincomalee 68,955 37.72% 2 85.44% Rajavarothiam Sampanthan (TULF)
Kathirgamathamby Thurairetnasingam (TULF)
Vanni 90,835 64.71% 5 66.64% Amirthanathan Adaikalanathan (TELO)
Sivasakthi Ananthan (EPRLF)
Sathasivam Kanagaratnam
Sivanathan Kisshor
Subramanyam Noharathalingam (TELO)
National List     2   M.K. Eelaventhan, expelled from Parliament 14 December 2007 for non-attendance
Joseph Pararajasingham (TULF), murdered 24 December 2005
Chandra Nehru Chandrakanthan, from 27 September 2006 (replaces Joseph Pararajasingham)
Raseen Mohammed Imam, from 5 February 2008 (replaces M.K. Eelaventhan)
Total 633,654 6.84% 22    
Sources: [11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23]

TULF President Veerasingham Anandasangaree, a critic of the Tamil Tigers, left the Tamil National Alliance when it took a pro-Tamil Tigers stance at the 2004 general election. He and some other TULF members have set up a TULF splinter group that has fought against the TNA at local elections. Most TULF members however remain within the TNA.